This study examines 218 official statements published by leaders of institutions of higher education in the U.S. in response to President Trump’s rescission of DACA. Results suggest that the average statement was unreadable by a postsecondary student of average reading ability and that only 51% of statements included resources for DACA students in their time of need.
In the United States, elected leaders and the general public have become more politically polarized during the past several decades, and political scientists argue that strengthening our democracy requires civic participants to productively negotiate their differences. To explore how educators could help to foster such civic participation, we conducted a mixed-methods study to examine how students’ experiences in highly interactive government courses could affect their willingness to engage in political issues in an open-minded way.
This article examines the impact of the Supreme Court’s 2006 Garcetti v. Ceballos ruling on the voting of both Democratic and Republican U.S. Courts of Appeals appointees as a case of doctrinal signaling.
This article analyzes the act of teacher political disclosure using both the democratic and interpersonal aspects of Foucault’s notion of parrhēsia.
This article analyzes the role of venture philanthropy in shaping teacher education policies in the United States, with a particular focus on the role of the New Schools Venture Fund in promoting the Growing Excellent Achievement Training Academies for Teachers and Principals Act.
This paper challenges the traditional interpretation of the origins of the North American summer calendar by suggesting that the roots of the presently defined school year were more influenced by multiple pressures arising from increasing urbanization, than by the demands of farm life. Examining why there has been such resistance to changing the school calendar, the paper investigates the calendar’s ties with changes over time in the construction of other “clocks” of society. Finally, we consider the school calendar as part of a larger ongoing discussion on what constitutes effectiveness of schools.
The paper argues that what currently counts as race discrimination in education and how such discrimination is proven are, from a legal perspective, at once both straightforward and complex questions.
While research on choice-based school reform has proliferated in recent years, little attention has been paid to examining how teachers themselves view choice-based reforms or what shapes their attitudes. We use a survey of teachers in Arizona, the state with the nation's most developed system of school choice, to explore how key personal and contextual traits influence teachers' attitudes toward charter schools and school vouchers. Our results can help shed light on how teachers will respond to the spread of school choice, and the likely prospects and effects of choice-based reform.
The purpose of this study is to employ a stakeholder framework to examine the changing salience levels of a state business group as it tried to shape educational policy during a 5-year period of intense state-level reform.
An examination of the many ways in which life in post–September 11 America is both a rupture from some of the antigovernment politics that dominated before these tragic events and an uncanny continuity from the pre–September 11 worship of global capitalism and the virtual abandonment of any effort to create greater equality.
In this paper, the question of the relationship of education to conceptions of individual well-being within the broader context of political theory is pursued.
This essay reviews the current governance problems in education and details the range of possible governance models for post-industrial schooling.
We would all be better served by recognizing that the current so-called
character education movement essentially represents an ideological
and political movement rather than a debate about curricular and
instructional matters. My basic criticisms of this approach, which are
elaborated in this chapter, can be briefly stated as deploring the naïveté
or disingenuousness of the discourse and of the inadequacies of its
political and social assumptions. I will try to show how this movement,
far from being innovative and reforming, represents instead a longstanding
tradition of using schools as agents of social stability., political
stasis, and cultural preservation. I hope that this analysis will shed light on the more general issues of moral education and the moral nature of
This article examines the evolution of deregulation as a state education policy strategy, from limited waiver programs to charter programs and new accountability systems that include broad deregulation. The article discusses the substantial political and practical barriers to broad deregulation despite the assumption that greater school-level autonomy will lead to improvement.
As a moderator of a “Brown Plus Forty” Conference general session panel discussion, the author offers both a synthesis of the panelists’ expressed views and his own thoughts on the legacy of the Supreme Court’s 1954 opinion.
The Supreme Court's vision in Brown did not include a multicultural society
President Clinton's human capital agenda emphasizes efforts to ensure the future strength of the United States economy by investing in education and training citizens. This paper describes the agenda and the legislation it shaped, focusing on K-12 reforms and the changing federal role in education.
The focus of this chapter is on
the symbolic importance of those debates. People often coalesce
around issues as much because of their symbolic nature as because of
theoretical or practical considerations. In this chapter, we take as given
that, in order to understand the political context of bilingual education
(that is, how it is situated in the politics of language and education) we
must understand the symbols that frame the issues as well as the
theoretical and technical debates, and how all of these ·find their
expression in political actions.
This article discusses issues related to reconstruction and the southern civil rights movement (past, present, and future). It examines historical illiteracy, politics regarding race, and ignorance about race relations in the United States.
In this chapter, I translate President Bush's mandate into evaluation
strategies that generate evidence about what works and what works
better. In doing so, I rely substantially on the efforts of the U. S.
Department of Education to clarify the presidential initiative and to
assure that evaluative evidence is available to make decisions about
education projects and programs. I also rely on the U. S. General
Accounting Office as counsel to the U.S. Congress on related
When the editors invited me to review my 1973 paper on the
politics of program evaluation, it sounded like an engaging idea. In the
doing, it turned out to be much less fun. There were two possibilities:
that I'd changed my mind considerably (which would make me look
skittish and unreliable) or that I still believed the things I'd written
(which would suggest I hadn't learned much).
Five articles comment on Chubb and Terry M. Moe's book "Politics, Markets, and America's Schools": (1) Choice in Education: Examining the Evidence on Equity; (2) Politics, Markets, and America's Schools: A Review; (3) Political Pollyannas; (4) Degrees of Imperfection: A Note from a Political Pollyanna; and (5) Thoughts on Choice.
A review of Politics, Markets, and America’s Schools. The author argues that market-driven school choice policies are a product of our times because they place self over society, individual gain over community action, and signal to parents and children that consumership is of higher value than the larger social good.
This article presents a comparative analysis of the U.S. and Indian Supreme Courts' roles in civil rights and preference policies. Despite structural and historical differences, similarities exist in the development of such policies. Both are more concerned with fidelity to constitutional and statutory interpretations than to personal ideological viewpoints.
In this chapter I argue for substantial change in the structure and
management of local governments, including school districts. I also
call for reconsideration of the philosophy, leadership, and management
of local-level institutions that affect the lives of children and
youth in particular. I propose that the focus of local government be
fixed on well-being, acknowledging education as primary to the
quality of life for Americans of all ages. Over the next generation or
two, communities need to phase out local school districts, local school
boards, and local school superintendents in favor of new jurisdictions
and authorities through a carefully developed and statutorily
approved reconstituting process centered on the notion of well-being.
This article discusses the tension between civic virtue and individual freedom, a challenge for education, and proposes a "state of democratic education" which leaves maximum moral room for citizens to shape their society in an image that they can identify with their moral choices.
The teaching of values to students is unavoidable and inevitable. The problem for educators is how to choose wisely what is explicitly taught in the way of values and how to understand and control the implicit moral education in schools and in the communities that support them.
The author comments on the response to his arguments by Burbules and Kantor, stating that their response is thoughtful, well-reasoned, and articulate. They agree on much, but disagree on matters of theoretical importance (really on points of emphasis) that could affect their political/educational practice. He points to these theoretical issues here.