by Yaacov Yablon - 2007
Measuring the social relationships between Israeli Jewish and Arab students at the onset of contact intervention programs revealed that although the relationships between the groups are negatively based, they are neither stable nor monolithic. As a result, secondary rather than primary intervention strategies for peace intervention programs are suggested.
by Zvi Bekerman - 2004
This ethnographic account focusing on ceremonial events in integrated Palestinian-Jewish schools in Israel questions the potential of multicultural education to support coexistence between conflicting groups.
by Clifford Hill - 2004
A National Conference at Teachers College
by Sandra Mickens - 2003
This commentary argues that we must understand and respond to the emotional issues posed for students by violent school environments so that all students can begin to prepare for the academic challenges envisioned by the No Child Left Behind Act.
by Brian White - 2001
A look at different approaches to resistant learners
by Grace Feuerverger - 1998
An account of a peace education program for Jewish and Arab students.
by Charles Howlett - 1983
This article follows the activities of Nicholas Murray Butler's involvement in the peace movement at the turn of the century. Butler, a college administrator, statesman, Republican politician, and friend of big business, belonged to the peace-through-internationalism approach and believed in working within the domestic system.
by Maxine Greene - 1982
A consideration of the role of education in promoting peace
by Charles Howlett - 1982
Dewey's writings defined the role of educators in society and their ability to influence world peace, international cooperation, the meaning of patriotism, and the role of the social sciences in understanding other cultures. Dewey perceived the job of the educator as teaching basic values of peace and nonviolence as correct social behavior.
by Robert Lifton - 1982
Psychological factors are analyzed that might explain why scholars and teachers do not intellectually confront the possibility of nuclear annihilation. Teachers are urged to struggle toward facing that possible reality as a prelude to action.
by Haim Gordon & Jan Demarest - 1982
Efforts to further education for peace through Buberian Learning Groups, which include Israelis and Palestinian Arabs, are discussed. Participants learn through a dialog that leads them to recognize distortions in their existence and to end their passive acceptance of problems. Organization of the groups and their successes and difficulties are discussed.
by Betty Reardon - 1982
Disarmament education has been exposed to wider public attention because of the launching of the World Disarmament Campaign, an education effort intended to involve the world's citizens in thinking about disarmament. Factors important to this movement are discussed.
by Adrian Nastase - 1982
The nature and content of disarmament education, as enunciated by the United Nations and other international groups, is discussed. The link between peace and disarmament is stressed along with alternative means to solve international disputes.
by Betty Reardon - 1982
In this fictional portrayal of the future, the author speculates that social activism for peace may lead to formal inauguration of a world disarmament plan by 1990. Key factual events in the disarmament movement that occurred prior to 1982 are discussed.
by Gene Sharp - 1982
Institutionalized political violence underlies world problems such as war, genocide, dictatorship, and social oppression. Alternatives to political violence should be evaluated to determine their applicability. Educational institutions can contribute through research and through educational activities ranging from public awareness campaigns to curriculum reform.
by Willard Jacobson - 1982
A narrative account of what might occur the first day of a nuclear war is interspersed with facts about the nuclear arms race and about the destructive power of weapons already stockpiled in the United States and the Soviet Union. A plea is made for preserving civilization from such a catastrophe.
by Randall Forsberg - 1982
The history of the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union is related, and the role assigned to conventional and nuclear forces in both countries is explained. A plea is made for a nuclear freeze and for reducing conventional forces as well.
by Kimberly Glass - 1982
Four workshop sessions for adults on peace education and family life are described. The workshops deal with: (1) the history of the family; (2) violence inside and outside the home; (3) daily life and social values; and (4) questions about the larger meaning of life.
by John Broughton & Marta Zahaykevich - 1982
The study of war, of human and material devastation, must be paired with moral judgment to guide action in the present toward the future. A threat emanating from the peace movement is forgetting the wrongs one's country has committed against other peoples.
by Betty Reardon - 1982
This article, a commentary on a piece by Kimberly Huselid Glass (Teachers College Record, Fall 1982), calls for clearer identification of peace values and recognition and cultivation of behavior which exemplifies them. Values traditionally associated with family life may provide models.
by Riffat Hassan - 1982
This is a commentary on an article about an attempt to use Buberian Learning Groups to promote peace between Jewish Israelis and Palestinian Arabs (Haim Gordon, Jan Demarest, Teachers College Record, Fall 1982). A Muslim who helped evaluate the project discusses strengths and weaknesses of the Education for Peace Project in Israel.
by Peter Abbs - 1982
Teachers must respond to the threat of nuclear warfare with a deep and universal desire to secure life. Comprehensive concern for life as a whole must lie at the root of their work. Only a world-wide expression of the ethical imagination, which renders nuclear war wholly unacceptable, can save mankind.
by Seymour Melman - 1982
The scarcity of college courses dealing with disarmament is noted, and educators are urged to address the question of arms limitation. Military and economic factors which limit the ability of the United States to continue the arms race are listed, and plans for reversing the arms race are discussed.
by Robert Musil - 1982
The study of the nuclear weapons culture and of disarmament must be made central to the curriculum in the humanities, the sciences, and other subject areas. After discussing the contradictions of the nuclear age, the author suggests using consciousness-raising techniques, readings, films, and student research projects as means of reaching students.
by Richard Barnet - 1982
Information about nuclear weapons and their effects must be taught without imparting hopelessness and despair. Suggestions for teaching about the arms race from an historical perspective and about alternative security systems—international law, conventional weapons, nonviolent resistance—are given.
by Elise Boulding - 1982
Legislation proposing the establishment of a new federal academy for peace education and research is now pending before the United States Congress. The academy would provide training in conflict-resolution through nonmilitary methods.
by Haim Gordon - 1980
Results of this study indicate that two-thirds of the participants who completed a year in a Jewish-Arab Buberian Learning Group had diminished existential mistrust of members of the other ethnic group.
by Charles Moskos Jr. - 1971
This article is a discussion of some of the social ramifications of a National Service Program.
by Albert Biderman - 1971
To achieve a viable national service, we must eliminate death-dealing as the basic definitional purpose of the military. Instead, the uniformed forces should be regarded as a capability for dealing with national emergencies requiring large-scale logistical and human resources, as well as for handling certain routine functions that are natural side-products of a large operational force.
by I. L. Kandel - 1942
The Atlantic Charter is a proclamation to the world that the two leading English-speaking nations intend to cooperate until victory is assured in order that other peoples of the world may enjoy the privileges and the responsibilities of freedom which these two great nations have made their ideal of life. And yet, although the cause for which the democracies are fighting is clear, there is a background of suspicion and criticism which is not altogether the result of fifth-column activities.
