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A Manifesto on Democracy and Education in the Current Crisis


by Teachers College Faculty - 1940

A manifesto prepared by a Teachers College committee (Professors Briggs, chairman, Childs, and Norton) in an attempt that education promote the unity of our people by clarifying the meaning of democracy and by helping to develop a greater and more intelligent support of it.

Introduction. Out of the conferences called by Dean Russell during the Summer Session to consider the desired and possible contributions of education during the present national emergency, came a number of proposals. One of them was that education attempt to promote the unity of our people by clarifying the meaning of democracy and by helping to develop a greater and more intelligent support of it. This proposal being approved by the Faculty of Teachers College, the Dean appointed a committee to prepare and to promote such plans as it considered wise. As reported elsewhere in this issue of THE RECORD, the Dean also appointed five other committees to consider other contributions that educational organizations, and especially Teachers College, might make for the defense of the nation.


"Democracy and Education in the Current Crisis" is a manifesto prepared by a committee (Professors Briggs, chairman, Childs, and Norton) and revised after criticism by a number of the faculty.


This manifesto was presented orally at a mass meeting that overflowed the Horace Mann Auditorium on the evening of August thirteenth, and it was widely distributed in pamphlet form to students of the Summer Session. It has received wide and most favorable approval, not merely by educators but also by laymen in many fields. Up to date many thousand copies have been distributed in response to request or sold in lots to those who desired to distribute copies themselves.1 A number of educational journals, including the Journal of the National Education Association, have either reprinted the entire Creed and, in some cases larger parts of the document, or have indicated their intention to do so.


It is hoped that large numbers of schools, organizations, and individuals will use the manifesto for study leading to a clearer understanding of democracy, a more sincere respect for it, and an unshakable faith that it is the highest form of social and political life. It is believed that the democratic answer to propaganda by those who believe in the totalitarian form of society and of government is a better understanding of what democracy is, an unshakable faith in its superiority, and a determination to apply it in all phases of life.


The manifesto is reprinted in the following pages. Professors of the faculty of Teachers College who have indicated their substantial agreement with the creed in "Democracy and Education in the Current Crisis" are:

Allan Abbott

Carter Alexander

Roy N. Anderson

Benjamin R. Andrews

H. J. Arnold

Arthur E. Bestor, Jr.

Jean Betzner

Thomas H. Briggs

Clifford L. Brownell

Herbert B. Bruner

Edmund deS. Brunner

Mary deGarmo Bryan

Lyman Bryson

Elizabeth C. Burgess

Raymond Burrows

R. Freeman Butts

Frank Callcott

Mabel Carney

Wilbert L. Carr

Adelaide Case

Hollis L. Caswell

Robert C. Challman

Mary E. Chayer

John L. Childs

Norval L. Church

Harold F. Clark

John R. Clark

Donald P. Cottrell

George S. Counts

Gerald S. Craig

Albert L. Cru

Merle Curti

Frank W. Cyr

Milton C. Del Manzo

Lester Dix

Miles Dresskell

Gertrude P. Driscoll

Fannie W. Dunn

Willard S. Elsbree

N. L. Engelhardt

Mary Evans

Edward S. Evenden

Ray Faulkner

William B. Featherstone

Frederick L. Fitzpatrick

Hamden L. Forkner

Merle Frampton

Will French

Elbert K. Fretwell

J. Montgomery Gambrill

Roma Gans

Arthur I. Gates

Daniel P. Girard

Lennox Grey

Walter E. Hager

Wilbur C. Hallenbeck

Harriet Hayes

Hattie Heft

L. Thomas Hopkins

Lillian A. Hudson

Erling M. Hunt

William L. Hughes

Arthur T. Jersfid

Ida A. Jewett

F. Ernest Johnson

Helen Judy-Bond

I. L. Kandel

Harry D. Kitson

George A. Kopp

Magdalene Kramer

Edwin A. Lee

Clarence Linton

Esther Lloyd-Jones

Lillian H. Locke

Irving Lorge

William A. McCall

Earl C. McCracken

J. R. McGaughy

Grace MacLeod

Ruth McMurry

F. W. Maroney

Charles J. Martin

Clyde R. Miller

Paul R. Mort

Lois C. Mossman

Howard A. Murphy

James L. Mursell

Maude B. Muse

Jesse H. Newlon

Belle Northrup

John K. Norton

Floyd B. O'Rear


Ernest G. Osborne

Rudolf Pintner

Lilla Belle Pitts

S. Ralph Powers

Josephine Rathbone

R. Bruce Raup

Mary M. Reed

William D. Reeve

Edward H. Reisner

George T. Renner

Rollo G. Reynolds

Peter Riccio

Hugh Grant Rowell

Elise Ruffini

Harold Rugg

William F. Russell

Otto P. Schinnerer

Norma Schwendener

Milton Smith

Ralph B. Spence

Alice W. Spieseke

Wilhelmina Spohr

Isabel Stewart

Ruth Strang

Florence B. Stratemeyer

George D. Strayer

Fred Strickler

Sarah M. Sturtevant

Percival M. Symonds

Sallie B. Tannahill

Clara M. Taylor

Donald G. Tewksbury

Robert L. Thorndike

Charles C. Tillinghast

Mary E. Townsend

Clifford B. Upton

Helen M. Walker

Goodwin Watson

Mary T. Whitley

Jesse F. Williams

Harry R. Wilson

Eleanor M. Witmer

Maxie N. Woodring

Arthur R. Young

Edwin Ziegfeld


Manifesto on

DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION IN THE CURRENT CRISIS

GRAVITY OF THE PRESENT SITUATION


THE American people have watched with growing alarm the series of events which have brought most of Europe and much of Asia under the domination of ruthless, military dictatorships. It can no longer be doubted that the present world crisis constitutes a threat of the most serious character to the United States and to the democratic way of life.


The situation calls for clear thinking and prompt action. It is a primary duty of all liberty-loving citizens to make an immediate and realistic appraisal of the crisis which now confronts our nation. This appraisal may well begin with a frank statement of the factors which compose the current crisis.


The gravity of the present situation is due, first, to the speed and effectiveness with which the dictatorships are achieving their designs. Their success has been the result of a variety of factors. The totalitarian regimes have had clear and definite ideals and aims. They have dramatized their purposes and have skillfully suffused them with emotional appeals. They have rallied their citizens to unified and vigorous action. They have made skillful use of the powerful technical resources produced by the Western World during more than a century of scientific research and invention. They have been persistent, assiduous, and unscrupulous in their activities.


The accelerated progress made by the dictatorships in subjecting increasing amounts of territory and mounting numbers of people to their control has resulted in an accumulation of prestige which now constitutes one of their most important assets. Should the dictatorships triumph completely in the Old World, there can be little doubt that they would seek economic and possibly even military domination of the Western Hemisphere.


The gravity of the present situation, however, is not due solely to the accelerating triumphs and accumulating prestige of the totalitarian regimes. Our nation is endangered today by internal weaknesses as well as by threats from without. We have taken democracy for granted—have failed to realize that its perpetuation and development require from each generation an ever deeper search for fuller understanding and for more inclusive application of its principles, as well as struggle, vigilance, and sacrifice. We have not defined clearly and fully the meaning and implications of democracy for all areas of our life, especially under the profoundly changed conditions of today. As a result, our national ideals and aims lack clarity and definiteness. Confusion, disunion, and dilatory action thwart social progress. Crucial problems, such as unemployment and economic and social insecurity, remain unsolved. Activity within our own country of groups hostile to democracy further confuses the people and increases the gravity of the situation.


Our failure properly to define and pursue the purposes of democracy is also reflected in an inadequate educational program. The curriculum of many American schools should be refashioned to meet more exactly and fully the needs of citizens living in a complex industrial society. It should develop more adequate understanding of democracy and devoted loyalty to it. Educational opportunity should be more equitably distributed among our population. Flagrant neglect of the educational and economic needs of millions of American youths gives rise to one of our most serious internal liabilities.


A realistic appraisal of the dangers which threaten our democracy from without and from within counsels neither despair nor surrender. Rather it challenges us to clarify our understanding of democracy, to realize its implications for all aspects of life, and to give it our devoted service. Our nation possesses vast assets, adequate to building a better and more powerful democracy. We should take full account of these in appraising the present situation.

THE ASSETS OF OUR NATION


However grave the situation in which we find ourselves, a situation, as has been pointed out, recently made serious by forces developed in other lands but also arising from weaknesses in our own culture, this nation has many assets of the highest value. These assets make possible an optimistic look toward the future. Possessing them, we can hopefully and even confidently plan a program that promises even greater happiness for our people and ultimately, we hope, for other parts of the world.


The United States has unparalleled wealth—natural, human, and technological—of which we can be justly proud. More nearly than any other great nation it is able to continue and to maintain a sound, well-balanced national life. Our country has also a geographic isolation that furnishes a strong defense from actual or potential military invasion from overseas. But neither its wealth nor its location affords defense in the war of ideals or in the economic war of competition for world markets. We must prepare for continuing and strengthened attacks on both these fronts. Such preparation demands a stronger national unity based upon a clear understanding of the ideals which make democracy great.


Among the important assets of which we are proud and which we can use in the defense of democracy are the following:


—A common speech and a common culture;


—A willingness to consider with open mind the contributions offered by diverse races, cultures, and religions, and to adopt those that promise enrichment of the national life;


—A widespread respect for human personality and a recognition of each individual's right to live his own life so far as it does not interfere with the welfare and happiness of others;


—An established belief that the welfare and happiness of the individual are the objectives that justify all social organizations, including government, and that they are superior to the deification of government and to the exaltation of its agents;


—A common conviction that it is the duty as well as the privilege of every individual to share in the making of decisions concerning general policies that affect the welfare of all;


—A long experience in self-government, in which every adult may take such part as his interests and abilities warrant;


—Dissatisfaction with the present, and hope that stimulates to activity for a better future;


—Agreement that changes must be made by peaceful means;


—A general willingness to abide by majority decisions made at the polls, with due respect for minorities who may continue their activities to influence a subsequent decision;


—Recognition of the right of any minority, however small, to propose, to advocate, and even to agitate by proper means for social changes without as well as within the pattern previously approved by the majority;


—A widespread approval of the right of the individual to secure, interpret, and disseminate information, to come to such conclusions as it indicates, freely to express opinions, to exert the influence of argument, to choose one's associates, to assemble, to vote, to move freely, to labor at work of one's own choosing, and to enjoy the fruits of one's labor, after contributing a just and proportionate share to the cost of protection and promoting the general welfare;


—Generally approved and practiced civil liberties, which may not be abrogated or curtailed, even by majorities;


—A widespread system of free education;


—Sympathy for and care of the unfortunate and the needy;


—Intolerance of enduring social stratification, whether caused by birth, race, religion, or wealth, inherited or otherwise acquired;


—The right to worship according to the dictates of one's conscience;


—Equality before the law and a presumption of innocence until proved guilty;


—Freedom from fear of persecution by those in authority.


Though by no means exhaustive, this list of assets of our country gives everyone something to fight to defend and something to work to preserve and extend. Accustomed as we are to these rights and privileges, we could not endure a defeat that took them away, that resulted in the loss of freedom and the violation of sacred personality.


With such general assets it is imperative that we clarify the meanings of democracy, develop a renewed faith in them and devotion to them, and also that we realize their implications for modern life. The defense of our nation demands that we understand what democracy is, that we passionately believe it superior to all other ways of living, and that we apply it consistently to making our country the best possible for a free people.

THE MEANING OF DEMOCRACY


1. Democracy the Basis of American Life and Education


Democracy is both a personal way of life and a system of social and political organization. Its aspirations, loyalties, institutions, and behaviors constitute the core of the moral and political tradition of the United States. Were this democratic heritage to be destroyed, America would lose its most distinctive meaning, and our life as a people would be impoverished. In this critical period, it is therefore important to recall certain elemental things about this heritage.


First, democracy is not the inevitable result of natural forces. It is rather the achievement of a long human struggle, inspired by ideals of justice and brotherhood, and led by men who loved life but preferred death to the degradation of enslavement.


Second, democracy does not perpetuate itself automatically. It is renewed only as those who have experienced its ways are disposed to make its form of life the controlling object of their allegiance. American democracy, now threatened by attacks both within and without the nation, will survive only as we achieve definite ideas about its essential meanings and conditions, and are prepared to work with intelligence, courage, and persistence to maintain them and to make them effective in increasing the welfare of all men.


Third, the meanings, faiths, attitudes, and habits inherent in the democratic way of life are not given at birth. The young acquire them only as they learn them through a process of participation and deliberate education. Hence, one of the primary obligations of the American educational system is to provide the most effectual conditions for the young to attain the equipment in knowledge and attitude required to carry on our democratic way of life. American education should make no pretense of neutrality about this great social objective. Our schools should be deliberately designed to provide an education in and for democracy.


2. The Moral Meaning of Democracy


Democracy makes respect for the individual human being its basic and abiding moral purpose. It seeks to develop a way of living together— social, economic, political—which is in harmony with this regard for the intrinsic worth of each person. This has led it to affirm the ideal of equality of opportunity, and to oppose all discriminations based on factors of race, wealth, family, religion, or sex. The maximum growth of each individual is the democratic aim.


Democracy holds, as a corollary, that the individual is not to be regarded as the pawn of the state or of any other institution. It tests the validity of the state and of all other social arrangements by their effort and success in promoting the welfare of human beings. According to the democratic conception, individuals are the end, institutions the means.


Democracy is a positive, not a negative thing. Its aim is the welfare of the individual, yet it recognizes that a good life for the individual is to be sought only in a good society and in a good state. The maintenance of the kind of social conditions required to fulfill this democratic ideal demands that individuals place the common good ahead of private advantage. Thus membership in a democratic society has its responsibilities as well as its privileges. A society which seeks to give each person maximum opportunity for the development of his own capacities is not a society in which each individual can be a law unto himself. Loyalty to democracy necessarily involves active support of those social, economic, and political arrangements which make possible an abundant life for each and every person.


3. The Sovereignty of the People


The political consequence of this moral emphasis of democracy on the worth and dignity of each person is popular sovereignty. From the beginning of the American Republic we have perceived that the welfare of all can best be made the persistent concern of our nation if government is of, by, and for the people. Thus, although providing for the delegation of authority for specified purposes, final authority in the American political system rests with the sovereign community of citizens. The state with its officials is always the agency of this community. We have progressively rejected the notion of control by an elite, whether based on property, family, race, or sex, and we have moved steadily to extend the rights and responsibilities of citizenship to all adults.


The ability both to determine basic policies and to choose leaders by peaceful means is characteristic of a democratic society. We should not permit use and habit to dull our appreciation of the great forward step taken by the human race when it began to substitute methods of deliberation, free discussion, and voting for the method of power based on brute force or superstition. Although our practice still falls short of this ideal, we are convinced that it defines the direction in which we want to continue to move. Therefore any movement or reform which repudiates either the method of persuasion by reason or the principle of majority rule should at once be suspect before the American people.


4. Democracy and a Strong Government Are Compatible


Ours is a representative system. Nor is there anything inherent in the principle of popular sovereignty which requires that a truly representative government be weak, or that duly elected leaders be denied the initiative and power required to carry on delegated functions. A democratic society does not necessarily believe that the best government is the least government. On the contrary, under present interdependent conditions democracy, in order to survive, requires strong, efficient government. It measures efficiency, however, by three searching tests: First, is government equipped to do its part in providing for the needs of the people, however they may change? Second, are the activities of government so conducted that they actually do promote the long-run interests of all? Third, are all groups adequately represented in those social and political processes by which the fundamental policies of local community, state, and nation are formulated and reviewed?


5. Democracy Has Faith in Intelligence


The effectual exercise of sovereignty requires not only the right to vote, but also knowledge of the essential objectives of a democratic society, of the nature of interest and needs—social as well as individual, and of the bearing of changing conditions upon life-interests and purposes. Unless the individual citizen has access to information which makes reliable judgments possible, he easily becomes the victim of the propagandist and the demagogue. The ability to make sound judgments also involves freedom for the members of a society to inquire, to assemble, to associate, to confer, and to publish in order that ideas may be exchanged, sifted, evaluated, and matured. The exercise of these rights and the acceptance of these responsibilities are important means for the development of resourceful human beings in the realm of social and political affairs.


The Bill of Rights which legalizes these practices is more than a mere schedule of personal liberties. These civil liberties also constitute a part of the social machinery required for the successful functioning of democracy; for it is by these means that an intelligent public opinion is maintained. So long as our society remains democratic, it will be governed well or poorly to the extent that the common man has and avails himself of opportunity to inform himself about conditions and events. Democracy is committed not to blind obedience, but to the ways of intelligence. The civil liberties are indispensable means to this public intelligence.


6. The Creative Role of Minorities


The acid test of the status of civil liberties is the freedom enjoyed by minorities. In a democratic society, the possibility of the peaceful adjustment of institutions to changing conditions depends upon the ability to keep open the avenues of criticism and agitation, so that innovating minority groups have genuine opportunity to get their case before the public, which has ultimate responsibility for making decisions. Thus a democratic society recognizes the creative role of minorities in its social and political processes and gives them encouragement and protection so that their proposals for change may have fair consideration. A totalitarian regime, on the other hand, demands uniform obedience to predetermined doctrines and programs and regards criticism and agitation as a crime against the state. Unfortunately, as a result of our failure to clarify the nature of a democratic society, there are elements in our population who assume that democracy can be defended by suppressing civil liberties. Actually, the triumph of their attitude would be fatal to democracy.


7. The Abuse of Civil Liberties an Attack on Democracy


Present events are again emphasizing, however, that democracies can be defeated from within, as well as by attack from without. The civil liberties in our country, in recent years, have been exploited by groups whose first loyalties are given to foreign governments and foreign political movements. These groups, feeling no obligation to do their part to maintain the primary institutions of a democratic society, and operating as undercover, disciplined bodies, often exert an influence out of all proportion to their numbers. By boring from within, by exploiting race and national prejudice, by taking advantage of the idealism and the inexperience of youth, by exploiting the distress of underprivileged groups, and by resorting to methods of slander, ridicule, and intimidation, these elements often confuse many sincere people, breed suspicion and discord, and divide the democratic forces which should stand together. Civil liberties are both abused and endangered by these practices. The genuine friends of democracy should be alert to make the public aware of the real nature of these practices and the ulterior purposes which inspire them. Tolerance does not mean indifference to practices which contradict the spirit and the purposes of our way of life.


Another serious threat to democracy is presented by those groups which desire to manipulate the present movement for national preparedness for selfish purposes of one sort or another. Under the name of patriotism and the need for national unity, they would suppress all criticism of existing conditions. Unfortunately, many sincere people join in these "witch-hunts" because they do not understand the crucial importance of the civil liberties in a democracy. We need to be on our guard against any movement which defines "Americanism" to mean the suppression of our historic and essential freedoms. Such movements make not for defense, but for destruction, of our American way of life.


Thus today the supporters of American democracy are confronted with the difficult task of protecting the civil liberties against the manipulations of conspiratorial agents of foreign powers on the one hand, and against the attacks of the "witch-hunters" on the other.


8. Economic Foundations of Democracy


Both the moral and the political aspects of democracy require that certain economic conditions be maintained. Great discrepancies in wealth and its consequent power among a population tend to destroy the very foundations of popular sovereignty. As Daniel Webster observed a long time ago, "A general equality of condition is the true basis of popular government." Coerced by want, insecurity, and a sense of helplessness before complex events that often seem too difficult to be mastered, individuals lose their faith in democracy, fail to take advantage of its established means for meeting their needs, and are tempted to exchange their political and civil freedom for a deluding promise of economic and social security. Present conditions which leave unemployed and insecure millions of deserving individuals who would work if they could do so constitute a very serious threat to the social health of our nation. We are convinced that these conditions are not permanently compatible with our democratic way of life.


We are also confident that our country has the resources and the will to remedy these conditions. We are not, however, in full agreement about the specific means by which this can be most satisfactorily accomplished. Recognizing our differences, we propose to unite in a determined effort to make the implications of this critical economic situation more widely known, and to cooperate with the representatives of all public-minded groups in a search for democratic social means of resolving this tragic paradox of want, unemployment, and insecurity in the midst of potential plenty.


9. American Democracy and the World Situation


The American people are widely and justly regarded as a peace-loving people. Although one of the Great Powers of the modem world, we have not been and are not now inclined toward world conquest. Both geographic and economic factors are partly responsible for this. But the democratic character of the United States has also been a powerful influence. We have felt that the pattern of a nation in arms is incompatible with the pattern of a democratic society in which the interests and unhampered pursuits of the people are primary. We have wanted to be related to other nations not through military conquest and authoritarian control, but through friendly intercourse, trade, and philanthropic undertakings for mutual good in the fields of science, religion, art, education, public health, and social work.


Today we are confronted with a changing world. We believe that present interdependence makes it imperative that we use our national strength in a persistent and determined effort to develop a world order which will forever ban the ways of war, and provide security for all peoples to pursue freely their own manner of life. Although our first responsibility is to develop a truly democratic society in our own land, we have, as a group of educators, an ultimate loyalty to the whole human race and not exclusively to our own citizens.


Present circumstances, however, are not favorable to the immediate development of this world-wide community on principles in harmony with democracy. To be sure, the possibility of rapid change in the temper of world affairs cannot be dismissed, but the probabilities are that now and for a considerable period we must be prepared to defend democracy by defending our nation.


This defense should be thorough and comprehensive—not merely to defeat an external enemy but also to overcome weaknesses within our own national life. It includes, as a necessary part, such an early resolution of internal economic and social problems as will renew the faith of our people in the reality of our professions of democracy. Citizens cannot be expected to manifest heroic devotion toward a country which leaves them insecure and has no place for them in its constructive life activities. In order to preserve democracy we must organize resources to meet the challenge of these negations of its spirit.


But the defense of the nation must now of necessity also be military. We may pray that we shall not have to resort to arms, but if the trial of battle comes we should be equipped to meet it with the best plans, manpower, and physical equipment of which we are capable. Democracy must not be driven from the earth by the sheer power of unopposed brute physical force. Much as we deplore the necessity, we must be ready to meet force with superior force.


That such military preparation carries threats to our democratic and peaceful patterns of life cannot be doubted. But these risks we must take. Our problem is to prepare for adequate national defense under such an aroused and alert public opinion that democratic values will not only not be destroyed, but will rather be strengthened by this determined, united effort of our people. As members of the faculty of Teachers College, we are ready to use our every strength to achieve this outcome.


We believe, however, that as educators our primary responsibility and challenge is to help the people of America gain a more adequate understanding of the ideals and of the conditions of the democratic way of life, and a more thorough grasp of the implications, possibilities, and dangers in the economic, social, political, and moral forces now operating in the national and world situation.


To aid in promoting a widespread reconsideration of democracy and a consequent clarification of its meanings, we present:

A CREED OF DEMOCRACY


We believe in and will endeavor to make a democracy which


1—extends into every realm of human association;


2—respects the personality of every individual, whatever his origin or present status;


3—insures to all a sense of security;


4—protects the weak and cares for the needy that they may maintain their self-respect;


5—develops in all a sense of belongingness;


6—protects every individual against exploitation by special privilege or power;


7—believes in the improvability of all men;


8—has for its social aim the maximum development of each individual;


9—assumes that the maximum development possible to each individual is for the best interest of all;


10—provides an opportunity for each and every individual to make the best of such natural gifts as he has and encourages him to do so;


11—furnishes an environment in which every individual can be and is stimulated to exert himself to develop his own unique personality, limited only by the similar rights of others;


12—assumes that adults are capable of being influenced by reason;


13—appeals to reason rather than force to secure its ends;


14—permits no armed force that is not under public control;


15—implies that a person becomes free and effective by exercising self-restraint rather than by having restraint imposed upon him by external authority;


16—imposes only such regulation as is judged by society to be necessary for safeguarding the rights of others;


17—assumes that all persons have equal rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;


18—guarantees that rights and opportunities accorded to one shall be accorded to all;


19—insures standards of living in which every individual can retain his own self-respect and unabashed make his peculiar contribution to the society in which he lives;


20—does not tolerate an enduring social stratification based on birth, race, religion, or wealth, inherited or otherwise acquired;


21—recognizes a desire on the part of people to govern themselves and a willingness to assume responsibility for doing so;


22—holds that government derives its powers solely from the consent of the governed;


23—tests the validity of government by its effort and success in promoting the welfare of human beings;


24—lays on individuals an obligation to share actively and with informed intelligence in formulating general public policies;


25—requires that the responsibilities and activities of citizenship be generally held to be among the highest duties of man;


26—holds that men deserve no better government than they exert themselves to obtain;


27—believes that the decisions concerning public policies made by the pooled judgment of the maximum number of interested and informed individuals are in the long run the wisest;


28—weighs all votes equally;


29—has faith that an individual grows best and most by actively and intelligently exercising his right to share in making decisions on public policy;


30—permits, encourages, and facilitates access to information necessary to the making of wise decisions on public policies;


31—provides free education from the beginnings of formal schooling as long as it may be profitable to society for each industrious individual to continue;


32—attempts a general diffusion among the people of the ideals, knowledge, standards of conduct, and spirit of fair play which promote a sense of equality;


33—permits the unhampered expression of everyone's opinions on public policy;


34—guarantees the right of free expression of opinions on all matters, subject to reasonable libel laws;


35—implies that all who are bound by decisions of broad public policy should have an opportunity to share in making them;


36—demands that minorities live in accord with the decisions of the majority, but accords the right to agitate peacefully for the change of such decisions;


37—exercises tolerance to others without sacrificing the strength of conviction favoring different notions and practices;


38—accepts representative government as an economy necessitated by the size of the population;


39—delegates responsibility to individuals chosen by the people for their peculiar competence in defined areas of action, but retains the right to withdraw this authority;


40—develops a steadily increasing sense of obligation to a constantly enlarging social group;


41—induces a willingness to sacrifice personal comforts for the recognized general welfare;


42—stimulates a hope of constant betterment and provides means which the ambitious and earnest may use;


43—encourages constant reappraisal of things as they are and stimulates a hope that leads to action for their betterment in the future;


44—uses peaceful means for promoting and bringing about change;


45—holds that the fundamental civil liberties may not be impaired even by majorities;


46—permits unrestrained association and assembly for the promotion of public welfare by peaceful means;


47—recognizes and protects the right of individuals to associate themselves for the promotion of their own interests in any ways that are not incompatible with the general welfare;


48—grants the right to labor at work of one's own choosing, provided it does not interfere with the interests of society;


49—guarantees the right to enjoy the fruits of one's honest labor and to use them without molestation after paying a part proportionate to wealth or income to the cost of necessary government and general welfare;


50—encourages individual initiative and private enterprise in so far as they are compatible with the public weal;


51—maintains human rights to be more important than property rights;


52—so regulates the natural resources of the country as to preserve them for the widest use for the welfare of all the people;


53—Insures freedom of movement;


54—guarantees a legal assumption of innocence until proof of guilt, definite charges before arrest and detention, and open and speedy trial before a jury of peers, with protection of rights by the court and by competent counsel;


55—guarantees freedom from persecution by those in authority;


56—provides that no individual be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law;


57—permits worship according to the dictates of one's conscience;


58—separates state and church;


59—provides such security, freedom, opportunity, and justice for all of its members that they will be qualified and ready, if circumstances require, to sacrifice in defense of its way of life;


60—renews its strength by continued education as to its meanings and purposes.




1Single copies may be obtained free of charge from the Bureau of Publications, Teachers College. In quantity the manifesto sells at cost, $1.80 per hundred copies.



Cite This Article as: Teachers College Record Volume 42 Number 2, 1940, p. 99-115
https://www.tcrecord.org ID Number: 10814, Date Accessed: 10/27/2021 7:29:48 PM

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