Everyone involved in politics, from ward heelers to statesmen,
from the naive beginner in the study of politics to the most eminent
political theoretician, needs some kind of conceptual framework
in order to understand or to affect political power. That conceptualization
may be a "seat of the pants" guide, a "feel" for polities
learned in the school of "hard knocks," or it may be a sophisticated
combination of methods and theories of politics. In any case some
conceptual map is required if a person is to find a way through the
maze of power, authority, and influence that constitutes politics.
Although some still insist that educational policy making and
polities should be separate, few, if any, still contend that they are
This chapter describes and analyzes events leading up to the
demand for decentralization of large-city school districts, focusing
particularly upon the experiences of New York and Los Angeles.
Identification of common patterns in developments associated with
the movement toward decentralization and community control provides
a basis for proposing further topics in the area of school district
government whose relevance to problems facing policy-makers
suggests that they should be the object of additional research. By
way of introduction, recent demands for the restructuring of city
school systems are contrasted with the press for greater centralization
in the first decades of the century and with more recent proposals
for metropolitan-wide administration of schools.
A great deal of advising, conferring, pressuring, and planning has
been devoted to the NIE venture. But it is doubtful that underlying
trends in the R&D field over the past decade will be fundamentally
altered, except in terms of relative magnitudes. The "paradigms"
of R&D thinking have been firmly implanted, the institutional domains
that participate in R&D are securely established, and the national
and local political contexts of education promise to endure.
Thus, by examining the developments that have taken place during
the R&D boom over the past decade and the controversies that have
swarmed around these trends we may feel fairly confident, if not
wholly elated, in being projected into the future.
The idea that a coherent federal educational policy exists, or should exist, is an appealing one; it allows a belief in a rational structure, a kind of arena for arguments over what the policy ought to be, who should make it, and who should carry it out. Liberals and conservatives, Republicans and Democrats will argue over goals and means, but most thoughtful participants and observers would accept the idea that the federal role in public education, whatever its scope, ought to have a fair measure of internal consistency and that it ought to be directly (if not closely) related to national needs.
When the time comes for selection into more advanced levels of schooling, restricted to the most able, social class becomes an important determinant of scholastic career. A general principle must be recognized: that severe material and intellectual deprivation suffered in the early years can never be completely compensated by measures taken in later years. The problem of inequality of educational opportunity might be reduced to some extent, or it might simply be displaced from the schools to the economic institutions. The problem of inequality in the society, however, would remain unchanged, and children would continue to come to school suffering from disadvantaged home backgrounds.
This article focuses on the creation of the nation's premier reformatory, the New York House of Refuge, in 1825. That refuge officials looked equally to prisons and public schools as organizational models, or at least as reference points to help explain their objectives, is not surprising. For the institution owed much to two turn-of-the-century reform movements in education and penology which had reached critical stages about the same time that a separate facility for delinquents was seriously proposed.
This paper examines the problem of creating systems of education and training which can more effectively meet the needs of developing countries with particular attention to the possible uses of the newer technology.
The direction and rate of change in education should be free to respond to social and economic change and should not be restrained by limited vested interests of well-established power blocks.
Amid the incantations that permanent schooling is the new way to a better future, and Presidential cajoling that career education is the path to "genuine reform in the way we teach,"1 we should direct our attention to the image of the world these "reforms" demand and the alternatives at hand.
Research into educational economics is reviewed and discussed, and recommendations for future research are made.
The author discusses the effect of "Inequality: A Reassessment of the Effect of Family and Schooling in America" on educational policy, particularly in its approach to educational goals analysis of school effectiveness, and account of the social utility of education.
Teachers must learn to act consciously on principle if we are to make justice the central value in the school system and thus provide an equal education for all.
In this paper, the authors are attempting to expose and delineate what might be called the performance characteristics of the judicial system as it responds to the proliferating requirements that all those who have been, for whatever reasons, unfairly treated either by their neighbors or by their governments must now no longer suffer and must, in practical ways, be compensated for their past and present hurts.
The paramount educational need of America is to complete the dream of the public schools by focusing attention on their public purpose as the highest priority.
Drawing on memoranda and other materials in the federal archives, and interviews with more than a score of officials in the Johnson and Nixon administrations, this essay attempts to trace the development of the policy impact of the Coleman Report from its origins in 1964 to the end of Nixon's first term.
It is the opinion of this author that much of the active interest and progress in evaluation in the last seven years was generated, either directly or indirectly, by the seemingly simplistic Congressional evaluation requirements of Title I. Hopefully, the progress of Title I federal program evaluation and development of an evaluation profession will continue to proceed on a mutually supportive basis.
Compared to the large farm households in which farm and household work and the learning of related skills were combined, the contemporary urban setting reveals a separation of family, school education, and work.
The author's personal observations and reactions to CIDOC.
On the one hand are those who oppose conscription in any form as a violation of man's basic rights in a free society. On the other hand are those who support the continuation of inductions under any circumstance, as a vehicle for bringing to young men a sense of national participation and obligation. Too often the positions and counterpositions have been based upon weak assumptions, inadequate data, or simple emotion, rather than upon rational discussion and detached investigation. It is not the intent of this paper to pronounce what the truth is. The author seeks only to structure the issue, leaving truth to be found at that point in the future when it can be determined by empirical test.
To achieve a viable national service, we must eliminate death-dealing as the basic definitional purpose of the military. Instead, the uniformed forces should be regarded as a capability for dealing with national emergencies requiring large-scale logistical and human resources, as well as for handling certain routine functions that are natural side-products of a large operational force.
If there is explicit recognition of tasks which are appropriate for either sex, tasks appropriate for one sex or the other, and tasks which require the complementary presence of both sexes, this should serve to reduce the kind of polarization over occupation, whether coming from Women's Liberation or from those conservatives who feel strongly that women's place is in the home, or at least at homelike tasks dealing with individuals, teaching, nursing, safeguarding, listening.
Court decisions favoring students over school districts are discussed.
Charles Reich's work may indeed be a prolegomenon, as Capouya put it, "to the argument it provokes." The argument is what remains significant, and the translation of it into rational terms. Here is where the weariness ends and where the inauguration of "the impulse of consciousness" may begin.
The need for reform of the financial aspects of education is stressed.
During the late 1960s, a series of developments in both public and nonpublic education led to a revival of interest in this approach to financing education. In December, 1969, the United States Office of Economic Opportunity made a grant to the Center for the Study of Public Policy to support a detailed study of "education vouchers." This article will summarize the major findings of that report and outline briefly the voucher plan proposed by the Center.
Education has seemed to be concerned with the production of a peculiarly intangible and unmeasurable product. It is generally carried out in quite small-scale establishments, and organized, systematic inquiry into the costs and benefits of alternatives is usually too expensive for boards of education to finance alone. Those who pay the bills (parents and/or taxpayers) are not those who physically receive the service provided. Only recently has it been widely appreciated that education is not simply a consumption activity, but has very important investment features.