An examination of recent debates on the teaching of reading from the standpoint of science, art, and ideology
Other chapters in this volume chronicle the several versions and
past history of this paradigm. In this chapter I am more interested in
its future possibilities. I identify changes occurring in the environment
of art education and discuss the changes they call for in our thinking.
I suggest that we can no longer take for granted much about children's
abilities and the goals of art education that the cognitive movement did
take for granted. I suggest that the idea of cognition in the arts should
be understood more radically as interpretation, and I discuss, with
examples, what that would mean.
In this chapter wc draw on the visual arts for examples, but the
story we tell could be broadened to include various art forms. We
begin with a description of some of the brute facts, that is, examples of
the constant phenomena that constitute early artistic behavior and
invite different interpretations. Next we consider the main tenets of
the cognitive revolution that has transformed our conception and
cnhanced our understanding of that behavior. We review the impact of
this new way of thinking on aesthetics, and on the investigation of
child art, as well as upon general and aesthetic education. In
conclusion, revisiting the brute facts, we reconsider the precognitivist
perspective in terms of the insights these recent changes in thought
In this chapter we attempt to maintain a balance among three sometimes conflicting, sometimes complementary points of view:
those of the psychologist, the educator, and the teacher. It will become
• apparent that the concerns of the first two are currently fairly
disparate, but we shall argue that a bridge can be built between them
by a careful and reflective consideration of the teacher's point of view.
Describes an experienced first grade teacher's efforts to create her place in what was defined by others as the change process. Researchers observed in her classroom and conducted interviews over one school year. She viewed herself not as changing, but rather as part of a slow, continuous process.
The first aim of this chapter is to highlight some of the differences
between these two educational philosophies. A second aim is to
contrast a few of the practical educational implications of the two
philosophies. A final aim is to argue that true educational reform in
this country will only come about when we have a paradigm shift
away from the reigning psychometric educational psychology.
Research and evaluation have become much more
sophisticated and are better able to assess a program's multiple effects
on multiple human systems. Theorists and researchers alike have
realized how seriously their work and words are taken and are
learning how to communicate with the media and to deliver their
interpretations responsibly. They have also developed a more
productive relationship with policymakers, as both science and policy
have increasingly come to depend on one another. The evolution of
the field of early childhood intervention illustrates the interconnection
between theory, research, and policy and the problems that occur
when any one of these elements is out of step with the others.
The authors raise questions about the place and form of educational psychology in the larger conversation about the thoughtful preparation of teachers, Recent research and theory in cognition and instruction suggest alternatives to traditional concepts of the learner, the teacher, and classroom learning.
What is it about the academic motivation of students that teachers should know? Certainly, knowledge of motivation concepts, principles, and theories should be basic elements in a foundations course in educational psychology, but this is not really what educational psychology should be about. Teachers need to know how this conceptual knowledge relates to the classroom and to their instructional role in the classroom.
This article provides a brief overview of the Assertive Discipline classroom management approach and raises questions about its use in schools of a democratic society. Assertive Discipline is criticized as being based primarily on teachers' needs, characterized by authoritarian values and techniques, and lacking research-based evidence for claims of success by supporters.
A response to Canter's criticisms. The authors' goal was to seek support for the claims made by Canter and others regarding the effectiveness of Assertive Discipline, and they stand by their conclusion that the literature does not support those claims.
The response by Canter criticizes Render, et. al. for offering opinions rather than evidence and for superficial examination of the literature regarding Assertive Discipline's effectiveness. The rejoinder addresses the question of the adequacy of research-based literature to support claims for the effectiveness of Assertive Discipline.
Two antithetical views of the sense-making potential of young children are explored: the Piagetian egocentric view and the sociocentric view. The article suggests that empirical research demonstrates socially construed perspective-taking tasks do not show the young child to be egocentric, but sociocentric.
The subject assigned, education and knowledge, is so vast that I
trust the reader will allow me at the outset to venture some broad
historical generalizations. ! begin by inquiring into what people in
western society over time have thought knowledge, or at least
important knowledge, to be about. My presumption will be that
education has always been regarded, in part, as the transmission of
important knowledge. But the notion of what knowledge is important
has changed over the ages.
Studies regarding the development of talent and unusually successful learning indicate that a "qualitative transformation" frequently occurs in which these individuals grow in their understanding of learning, recognizing the importance of commitment to learning through mutual encouragement and support.
"Properly designed, [computers] can allow students to formulate
hypotheses, test them, analyze results, and refine their conceptions.
Moreover, they can provide the student with a record of the course of
his or her investigations, permitting greater self-awareness of thinking
and learning." There are, however, many barriers to realizing this
potential, among them a lack of consensus on the definition of higher-order
thinking and an incomplete understanding about the use of
technology to promote it. We explore both issues in this chapter.
It is not the purpose of this chapter to review what is known of the role other people play in determining what an individual does or
does not know, or even to document the assertion that most modes of
knowing are, either directly or indirectly and to a greater or lesser
extent, "interpersonal." Rather, the aims here are more limited and
only three in number. The first aim simply is to highlight the
importance to each individual, whether child or adult, of "knowing"
the people who populate his or her world, for this is a prerequisite for
interacting effectively with them. The second aim is to discuss briefly
the fact that much of this knowledge, or "social intelligence," and most
of these interaction skills, or "social competence," are obtained within
the individual's actual ongoing personal relationships rather than
through formal instruction. Third, since the formal educational system
provides both the opportunities for, and the context of, many of the
interpersonal relationships from which social intelligence and social
competence are learned (if they are learned at all), I shall discuss the
proposition that decisions about how best to impart impersonal
knowledge and skills—decisions that may include curricula, class size
and composition, teacher-training, computerized instruction, reward
structure, and so on—all inevitably influence, in ways both known and
currently unknown, the development of social intelligence and competence.
Let me begin by setting out my argument as baldly as possible and
then go on to examine its basis and its consequences. It is this. There
are two irreducible modes of cognitive functioning—or more simply,
two modes of thought—each meriting the status of a "natural kind."
Each provides a way of ordering experience, of constructing reality,
and the two (though amenable to complementary use) are irreducible
to one another. Each also provides ways of organizing representation
in memory and of filtering the perceptual world. Efforts to reduce one
mode to the other or to ignore one at the expense of the other
inevitably fail to capture the rich ways in which people "know" and
describe events around them.
I will discuss three domains of
mathematical activity: the domain of informal, naive, or concrete
experience; the domain of formal procedures (Benjamin Peirce's
mathematics); and the metadomain in which we critique and discuss
the domain of formal procedures. My main point will be that "doing
mathematics" involves work in several modes of knowing across all
three domains of activity.
In this chapter, we seek to (a)
define what practical knowledge is, (b) discuss how practical knowledge
is represented mentally, (c) discuss its interrelations with other
forms of knowledge and with other psychological constructs, (d)
show how practical knowledge is acquired, (e) discuss the ways in
which practical knowledge can be applied, and (f) summarize the main
points we have to share regarding practical knowledge.
By phrasing the relationship between religion and education in
new and different ways, the editors of this yearbook contribute to the
more difficult dialogue. Suggesting relationships between knowing
and spirituality does not raise new questions historically, but brings
into the educational community possibilities for new dialogue with
those within religious traditions. Concern for the spiritual provides
other perspectives for considering issues of values, the comparative
objective study of religion, and even the place of prayer and meditation
Our method of introducing the connection between modes of
knowing and teaching and learning is to begin the paper with the
aesthetics of our assigned task. This permits us to set forth our own
point of view amidst the context of modes of knowing given in this
volume. The distinction between theory and practice permeates our
discussion and is used to make three further distinctions: (a) between conceptual modes of knowing as theory (for example, aesthetics) and
teaching and learning (for example, an art class) as practice; (b)
between conceptual modes of knowing as theory (for example,
aesthetics) and the events (for example, art) to which they refer as
practice; and (c) between experiential classroom modes of knowing as
theory (for example, image of the classroom as home) and teaching
and learning (for example, the gingerbread boys episode) as practice.
In this chapter, we will outline a series of
recent theoretical advances that may form a promising theoretical
framework for addressing the problem of teacher development from
the perspective of the teacher as an adult learner. We will briefly
review and critique previous conceptual frameworks. This will be
followed by a brief review of recent theory and research that supports
the growing importance of a cognitive-developmental viewpoint.
Current theory and implications for teacher development programs
will form the conclusion of the chapter.
Because problems posed by student diversity have been discussed
in the educational literature for many decades, we begin with a brief
and selective review of the history of educators' efforts to deal with
those problems. We turn later to more recent research on two
dimensions of individual differences—ability and cognitive style—chosen to illustrate among other things, the impossibility of finding
one best solution to student variability, even within a specific dimension.
On November 14, 1980, the Developmental Psychology Program at Teachers College, Columbia University, held a memorial conference in Thorndike Hall to mark the death of Jean Piaget on September 17, 1980. Sixteen scholars from the fields of psychology, philosophy, and education presented brief reflections on Piaget’s work to an audience of about sixty people.
Parents and teachers alike are struck by the ease with which
small children acquire language—the language or languages of their
parents, their grandparents, or their playmates. They compare this
with the often painfully slow and discouraging acquisition of a
second or third language by teenagers and adults and wonder how
one can replicate natural language learning in school situations.
They want to see school learners using the language with some
spontaneity and confidence and this also is seen as a desirable goal
by the learners themselves. But how to achieve this goal in a reasonable
amount of time, before discouragement sets in, has been,
and continues to be, a major preoccupation of language teachers
who care about motivation and the students' satisfaction in learning.
is hopeful that this yearbook will serve a sort of
"economical" function, that all who deal in some way with the adolescent
age group will view all of its content as having significance to
them, not just selected chapters that pertain most directly to their
particular professional concerns.
Young people between the ages of ten and fourteen go through
some of the most dramatic life changes that they will ever experience.
It is during these years that puberty transforms the child
into a young adult, and achievement of the biological capacity to
reproduce has profound repercussions on all other aspects of development-
intellectual, moral, social, and emotional.
Yet this period is one of the least understood and most understudied
in the entire span of human life.
What are the claims that early adolescence makes upon society?
This yearbook attempts to answer that question from a variety ot
perspectives. This chapter provides an overview of the renewed
dialogue about pre- and early adolescence in America.
In what follows it should be noted that our knowing little
about the intersection of parental and early adolescent development
is part of a larger context of ignorance. Research on any
aspect of early adolescence is rare. Research on the family and
the early adolescent is even more so. And, with the possible exception
of social stratification studies, the research that does exist
is not sensitive to variations in family composition or context. The
word "family" as used in this chapter necessarily reflects the existing
literature and can be taken to refer to biologically related,
intact mother-father-child triads living in the same household.