The educational background and achievements of Benjamin Elijah Mays are related to illustrate points about the education of Black students. Such students need encouragement from teachers, a student-centered curriculum, and sometimes more time to perform well in college than classmates who are not educationally disadvantaged.
The holdings of the Darton Collection, a special library of children's books published in England before 1850, are discussed. The collection, housed at Columbia University in New York City, includes childrens' games and illustrations as well as books.
As a means to some historical perspective on American attitudes
toward education and work, this chapter compares arguments
of that earlier era with contemporary views as reflected in
President Carter's Youth Initiative of 1980. Three issues are singled
out: (a) equality of opportunity and a more democratic system
of education, (b) the relation of education to economic growth
and productivity, and (c) the control of vocational training.
The history and implications of commercial education are examined and contrasted with current practices in vocational education.
From 1908 to 1918, Lewis Hine, educator and photographer, gave new meaning to the camera as an educational tool for social change. Published by the National Child Labor Committee, Hine's photo essays of exploited urban and rural children were intended to instigate reform. This essay with photographs describes Hine's crusade.
In this chapter we seek to do two things. First, we suggest how
policy making changed in three key periods of our educational history:
the common school movement of the mid-nineteenth century;
the turning to experts to make policy in the early twentieth
century; and further shifts in policy making in the last generation.
Second, we explore how changing conceptions of the past history
as selective interpretation—influenced educational policy makers in
these three periods.
An examination of Kilpatrick's undergraduate observations of the relations between students and teachers.
In the 1950s, students had formal bomb-threat education; civil defense training taught students where to hide and how to protect themselves. Comments of teachers and students of that era are presented along with a history of various programs and techniques used for civil defense education.
This essay is not a history of the social studies, although it calls
for histories of the field without assembling a research agenda. The
resultant history would not only fill present voids and redress
traditional oversight; most importantly, such a history would foster
understanding. Practically, it might even contribute to policy deliberations
and, as well, inform correctly proposals for action.
The dominance of academic values among professional schoolmen in the nineteenth century kept the problem of basic preparation separate from the problem of guaranteeing proficient skills. That divided tradition, at no point really designed or controlled by schoolmen themselves, nevertheless has become one of the oldest marks of their trade and in a sense has prevented the full professional maturation of their expertise.
The purpose of this chapter is to familiarize the reader with
some major factors that have influenced second-language study in
the United States and to provide the bases for a fuller comprehension
of subsequent chapters in this volume.
This analysis of the turn of the century public policy debates on state provision of school meals brings to light the political forces that continue to determine the health and well-being of urban school children.
The life and philosophy of British educator Susan Isaacs (organizer of the Matting House School) and her contributions to education are examined.
The half-decade following Sputnik in 1957 and the last half-decade
of the 1970s may be viewed as twin peak periods of interest
in gifted and talented children. Separating the peaks was a deep
valley of neglect in which the public fixed its attention more
eagerly on the low functioning, poorly motivated, and socially
handicapped children in our schools. It was not simply a ease of
bemoaning the plight of able and then disadvantaged learners, with
each population taking turns as the pitied underdog or the victim
of unfair play. Rather than transferring the same sentiments from
one undereducated group to another, the nation found itself transforming
its mood from intense anxiety to equally profound indignation:
anxiety lest our protective shield of brainpower became
weaker, rendering us vulnerable to challenge from without, followed
by indignation over social injustice in the land, which could
tear us apart from within. Now we are experiencing a revival of
earlier sensitivities to the needs of the gifted. Judging from these
vacillations in national temperament, it seems as if we have nor yet
succeeded in paying equal attention simultaneously to our most and
least successful achievers at school.
Terman's famous study of gifted children, started soon after his
return from test construction duties during World War I, reflected
his great interest in children who scored at the extremely high end
of the scale, the upper 1 to 2 percent. He was confident that they
were a very able and potentially productive part of the population,
and was concerned that common "myths" about them were injuring
Although a good deal of information concerning the language
arts and social studies curriculum for the gifted is well articulated
and readily available in the literature, there is a gap between this
information and its application in classroom practice. Several factors
contribute to this situation.
This volume is the first in the yearbook series of the National
Society for the Study of Education, now in its seventy-sixth year,
to address explicitly the topic of the politics of education. Some
previous yearbooks have touched indirectly upon this domain, but
those volumes typically portrayed either a stronger sociological
orientation or a more general emphasis on social and behavioral
science approaches to basic inquiry and problem solving in educational
This chapter will address the question: How do the sectors and
processes of general governmental and educational policy making,
largely writ, fit together? To this end we shall describe and analyze
educational governance as a subarea of the overarching system of
American federalism, and introduce, but intrude as little as possible
upon, the analysis of the constituent influence systems of
educational governance in the chapters that follow. We shall give
more detailed attention to the most unitary of the major influence
systems, namely, legislative and executive policy making at the
national level of government.
The authors of the 1975 yearbook view socializing experiences transitional to adulthood as more momentous than tribulations
associated with the growth spurt. Moreover, "youth" is interposed
as a stage between adolescence (growth spurt) and adulthood.
Keniston regards the youth stage as a transition for persons who
have outgrown adolescence but have yet to assume adult responsibilities;
other contributors, who see commonality across young
people in many aspects of socialization, conceptualize the youth
stage as universal.
As fresh studies of familial education are undertaken in their own right—studies in which explicitly educational questions are addressed to appropriate primary sources—a criticized body of generalizations will begin to emerge, and we shall come to see the family anew as the crucially important educator it has always been.
While socialization was being studied separately in its terms and education separately in its terms, the continuities and, more importantly, the discontinuities between them fell into the void created by the conceptual division. The intent of this article is to call attention to several types of discontinuities and their possible effect on the child.
Unless one knows some colonial history, one is likely to be misled
into thinking that the United States always has been a country
of free public education for almost every child. Actually, widespread
implementation of a commitment to schooling came late
and is largely a very recent development. This chapter will review
the forces in our early history, going back to colonial times, that
helped shape the elementary school.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the moral, political, and epistemological consequences of the methodology of and theoretical commitments to a behavioral research pattern and its application to education.
It is the author’s perception that the concern with theory research has faltered. In the past, he has offered three or four standard answers to that question: 1. The concern for theory based research became a movement and ran out of steam; 2. The nature of the research professorship in educational administration; 3. The nature of the research professor in educational administration; 4. The encounter of the movement with the 1960s.
Develops a conceptual framework which views the school as a subsystem of both the local community and of the larger society.
Each of three themes of childhood education in the U.S.—the ethic of social reform, the uniqueness
and importance of childhood, and the reform of educational practices—
has had a variety of manifestations. Occasionally one theme
has dominated a particular debate; often the themes are hardly distinguishable.
As a group, however, they have appeared consistently, and they have shaped the development of early childhood education
in the United States.
This chapter is neither a short history of curriculum nor a review of the
particular ideas expressed in the 1927 yearbook. It is rather a more
modest effort to sit on an intellectual riverbank and take samples
of the ideas which flow by. Hopefully, by such a stratagem, viewpoints
and practices which have long been part of the curricular
stream may be captured as well as orientations and assumptions
which are relatively new additions to the current.
The American leaders of curriculum development after World
War I sought to base their guiding principles upon the results of
scientific studies of education. Thorndike's investigations of transfer
of training had destroyed the earlier confidence in the educational
value of school subjects as such. Formal discipline could no longer
be invoked to justify the inclusion of such fields as Latin and
geometry in high school programs. The relevance of the content of
the curriculum to the problems and activities of contemporary life
had to be considered. Furthermore, scientific studies of memorization
showed that children forget material in a short time unless
they have frequent occasions to recall what they have memorized.
These findings suggested that curriculum content must be selected
which children will have early and frequent occasions to use.
The American public, in mid-century, was no longer so willing
to trust the efficacy of public education. By the mid-sixties, determined
that the schools must remedy the nation's increasingly visible
social ills, the federal government had become an active partner
in the educational enterprise.
What curricular changes were taking place in these decades?
Rather than chronicling projects or examining in detail the curricular
"Alphabet Soup," this chapter will instead identify the influences, the influencers, and the results of the curricular reform
movement of the fifties and the sixties. It will discuss the atmosphere—
rather than the specifics—of change; it will deal with the
new players and new roles in curriculum development; and, lastly,
it will examine in some detail two new curricula that typify contrasting
theories of contemporary instructional philosophy.
The English language is usually said to have begun in the sixth
and seventh centuries, when the Germanic Angles, Saxons, and
Jutes invaded and settled the Celtic island of Britain? With the
techniques of historical linguistics and philology, in spite of the lack
of written records, we have been able to reconstruct the older forms,
sounds, and vocabularies of the invaders' language in remarkable
detail, working mainly from later written sources and from our
knowledge of linguistic change. The Celtic language, together with
most of the Roman linguistic remains, disappeared from England,
except for a few place names. The history of English had begun.